Wednesday, 30 November 2011 00:00

Reversing the Power in Washington?

Ron Paul, Reversing the Power Now Centered in Washington?

Indeed, I have no doubt that Ron Paul is the only person standing who would decentralize the Warring Warthog's power. More than that; he would slash it, rip it apart, and sling it into the Potomac. That drives fear right up the groins of all statists. One huge strike against Mr. Paul, because our two Parties are made up of statists.

As far as a person, no one is cleaner than Ron Paul. As far as a political candidate, Paul has said nothing untoward, and he has done nothing untoward. He certainly has the fortitude to carry out everything he has laid out. 

One of his obvious faults is that he does not tittup to and fro across the stage, in the way let’s say, that Rick Perry or Mitt Romney do. Another fault is that he does not use phatic language, in the way let's say, that Newt or the Creature do. We do, after all, live in a giddy world where people suck down gleam and glitter as if they were bottles of sugar—gleam and glitter percolate their innards.

Ron Paul’s speeches seek not to massage those with a haptic center, the Touchy-Feely Northeastern Establishment types or the Tattooed Know-It-All Non-Listening Bong Baby Generation; his words search to scintillate the mental nadir, thinkers who can understand the current state of the State and want something done about it.

He's not a comic; he's actually a tad cynical. But just think: he's looking the Beast in the eye everyday he's in Washington. Who would not be cynical?

Paul quite rightly sees a parlous State bearing down on our freedoms, and he, like Mr. Greenhut, knows that the Republicowards aren't going to do one damn thing about it. The State will grow under Bachmann, Romney, Cain, or Newty. They have no plans to stop it; Bachmann is far better than the others, but she is a Middle East War Monger, and that means more hundreds of billions tossed into the dark sands of those lands. Even that has not been enough to bring the neo-cons to pasture with Bachmann, mainly because she’s too ant-statist in other areas, especially in respect to her stance against Illegal Aliens, the neo-cons being the mainstay of the Open Borders Crowd.

Ron Paul is not in the least bit tetchy, as the Political Establishment says you cannot be; but I quite frankly wish he were. Even at the most egregious slanders against him, I don't think his blood pressure rises as much as a full point. The more he’s pounded, the slower his heart rate seems to get.

He takes his licks—and in gobs from every angle they have come—yet keeps right on kicking at the Establishment and the State.

As I've noted in the past, he's not changed one point of his issues in over thirty-years, and I couldn't imagine him doing that were he to become President.

Mr. Greenhut tackles that last point rather well. I'll let him take it from here. Pretty good view of the political situation.

Yours, Candy Goldstein


Getting Serious About Ron Paul

By Paul Greenhut

(Comments in the brackets by Candy Goldstein) 

I can't forgive myself for voting for Arnold Schwarzenegger for governor during the 2003 recall. I selected a "winnable" loser rather than Tom McClintock, a principled conservative who knew what policies to pursue to right California's sinking fiscal ship. If everyone who voted for Schwarzenegger under the belief that McClintock couldn't win had voted for McClintock, who's now a congressman, perhaps he would have won the governorship.

The Schwarzenegger v. McClintock race springs to mind as Ron Paul, the Texas congressman with unwavering libertarian principles, pursues the GOP nomination for the presidency. Paul is not a dynamic personality, but he has a firm grasp of the issues. Currently, he is near the top of polls for the Iowa caucuses, and his national support has remained strong.

We know that none of the other Republicans will seriously slash the size of government, even if they have Republican majorities in Congress. None of them will bring the troops home, regardless of how costly those wars have become or how contrary they are to the traditional Republican belief of nonintervention in foreign affairs.

Despite encouraging rhetoric from some candidates (i.e., Rick Perry's description of Social Security as a Ponzi scheme), the "serious" candidates will not try to swap U.S. entitlements for private alternatives.

None of them will address the Federal Reserve, which, according to Paul, makes it easy for the feds to print the money needed to finance their free-spending ways. At best, a winning mainstream Republican will tinker around the edges of reform, perhaps limiting government just enough to let the economy heat up again.

Even if Paul pulls off the upset of the century, he may not have the skills or congressional support to succeed. He can be obtuse, such as the time when he was asked about his favorite Ronald Reagan legacy and gave a boring answer about the money supply. But despite his many flaws, he certainly understands that the nation's problems center on its gargantuan government.

Too bad everyone knows he can't win.

Comedian Jon Stewart once featured a devastating segment on the media coverage of the primary race. Paul had high poll numbers but the talking heads wouldn't mention his name. They talked about the hapless Jon Huntsman, who was barely registering on the polls, but didn't mention Paul. After one blogger took him to task for writing about the presidential candidates without mentioning Paul, Jonah Goldberg (a raving, mad neo-con; CG), editor of National Review Online, responded: "The reason I didn't mention him is precisely the reason [he] suspects: I don't take Ron Paul seriously as a presidential contender because (in my opinion) he isn't one. He is the Right's version of Ralph Nader." (There is quite a difference between Paul and Nader, aside from the fact that one is far left the other far right, and that is, Nader never got 10% of the Devilrat primary vote, and never had six to ten million solidly loyal followers, as does Paul. CG)

Conservative writer Warner Todd Huston wrote recently that Paul is not a serious candidate because he has not built a serious statewide organization, which might be a legitimate argument except that Huston hurled unfounded accusations at Paul, charging his minions with anti-Semitism and surrender in the face of "Islamofascism." His diatribe against the mild-mannered physician/candidate touches on why most conservatives won't take him seriously:  Paul's foreign-policy views. (Very true. And this I've written about before; no one can get elected on a national level threatening to cut fiscal aid to the Israeli government; it won't happen in this age. You can bet high on it. CG)

To the hawks who dominate the modern GOP (the neo-cons; CG) (and the Democratic Party, too, lest you wonder why the president's foreign policy differs little from his predecessor's), Paul's focus on reducing military commitments and concentrating on defense rather than on nation-building is the equivalent of appeasement in the face of Nazism, which is the analogy Huston used. (If this were true it would make everyone a Nazi simply for wanting to bring our troops home from around the world. No matter that this has nothing to do with the fact that the US would side with Israel in a war against anyone of these 15th Century Fiefdoms in the Middle East. CG)

You'd think it a waste of time to hammer a candidate with no chance of winning. But those conservatives committed to military expansion abroad and who have little concern about the "war on terror's" effect on civil liberties at home don't want to take chances. The lefties dislike him too, as Bob Schieffer's rude interview on "Face the Nation" last weekend showed.

Nevertheless, Paul might just win Iowa. I was active in the caucuses there years ago. It's a socially conservative state. But the libertarian Paul is making inroads. In these dire economic times, more voters are noticing that government growth, debt spending and the economy are paramount.

Paul might not have a good campaign ground game going, but Herman Cain doesn't have much of a ground game, either. That didn't stop Cain from getting weeks of serious national media coverage. His campaign was derailed by sexual harassment allegations, and by his painfully embarrassing answer to a newspaper editorial board's puffball question about President Obama's Libya policy. Cain knew nothing about the topic as he aimlessly searched his empty mental Rolodex for answers. Cain's collapse came after Perry's infamous "oops" moment during a GOP debate when he was asked which three federal departments he would eliminate, but he couldn't think of a third one.

Former House Speaker Newt Gingrich is the flavor of the month, as GOP primary voters search for anyone but Mitt Romney, whose slick personality and fairly liberal policies turn off grass-roots activists. (I'll have to say that Romney may indeed be further to the right than Newty, though it would probably embarrass him too much to admit it. He is from Taxachusetts, and there aren't many proud right-wingers there. CG)

But Gingrich has malleable principles himself, and he is dogged by personal scandals.

It's hard to be impressed by any of the other Republican candidates, who range from the hopelessly establishmentarian (Rick Santorum and Huntsman) to the fringy Michele Bachmann (who has been dubbed the winner of the "Who's Crazier Than Sarah Palin" contest by comedian Conan O'Brien, because of some of her rhetoric).

When you look at the Republican lineup or at the out-of-his-depth former community activist who went from state senator to Oval Office in four years, it's hard to make the case that Paul is somehow not serious. In reality, Paul "can't win" because the political establishment knows how serious he is about his limited-government views.

Even in the most optimistic scenario, Paul is a long shot. But the country's problems are so deep that perhaps it's time to take a chance on someone with the right answers, regardless of the odds. Unless, of course, you're still celebrating the way that Gov. Schwarzenegger saved California from disaster.